Tout le pays va devenir une zone franche, συνέντευξη μαζί με τον Α. Καϊδατζή στο περιοδικό «Z» τεύχος 7, Μάιος 2013

Par Célia Izoard et Emma Piqueray

« Tout le pays va devenir une zone franche »

Entretien avec Iphigenia Kamtsidou et Akritas Kaidatzis,

professeurs de droit constitutionnel  à l’université Aristote de Thessalonique


Comment qualifier le régime mis en place en Grèce avec l’introduction du premier mémorandum en 2010 ? Deux constitutionnalistes de Thessalonique, par ailleurs anciens élèves de l’actuel ministre de la Réforme de l’administration, décrivent l’anéantissement de la souveraineté nationale et de la constitution. Tandis que le pouvoir législatif est vidé de ses prérogatives, un régime caractérisé par le triomphe de la technocratie et des objectifs financiers s’impose.

Z : Les mémorandums ne sont ni des traités, ni des lois… Quel est leur statut juridique ?

Iphigenia : Les Memorandums of Understanding (MoU) sont des accords conclus entre l’État grec, la Banque de Grèce, le FMI et la Commission européenne en tant que représentant des États européens. Le Conseil d’État a suivi la thèse, suivant laquelle les mémorandums ne sont ni des traités, ni des conventions internationales ni des lois ; ils sont des accords internationaux que l’on n’arrive pas à ranger dans une catégorie juridique. En d’autres termes, ils sont considérés comme soft law, un moyen de régulation qui se situe entre le droit, la morale et la politique. Cette approche, à mon avis, introduit une confusion dans le système des normes, dont les répercussions sont considérables. Tout d’abord, leur nature présumée de soft law a permis aux gouvernants de ne pas respecter les procédures constitutionnelles concernant la ratification des conventions internationales. Ainsi, des textes qui contiennent des mesures contraignantes, qui déterminent pratiquement la politique générale du pays dans son ensemble, ont été introduits dans l’ordre juridique sans être soumis à l’Assemblée Nationale, sans faire l’objet d’un débat et, bien sur,  sans vote parlementaire. Deuxièmement, leur statut «flottant», empêche l’examen de leur conformité à la Constitution.

Akritas : Les mémorandums ne sont clairement pas des lois. Ils n’ont aucune base juridique. Ce sont plutôt des textes politiques qui fixent des objectifs financiers et structurels très précis au gouvernement. Ils contiennent un programme de mesures, un programme de politique générale qui a été appliqué au moyen de lois qu’on appelle des lois d’application des mémorandums. Ces lois qui sont soumises au Parlement donnent l’impression que ces dispositions sont l’expression de la souveraineté de l’Etat grec, mais ce n’est pas le cas : les objectifs fixés par les mémorandums ne laissent aucune marge de manoeuvre au gouvernement. Pour obtenir le versement des prêts, le gouvernement doit se conformer à un certain nombre d’indicateurs chiffrés : nombre de fonctionnaires, part des dépenses de santé dans le PIB, etc. Tant qu’il ne les a pas atteints, il doit adopter de nouvelles mesures, qu’il fait passer en force au Parlement. Sans quoi les prêts dont il a besoin pour éviter la faillite ne lui sont pas versés. C’est une culture de résultats.

 Peut-on dire que les mémorandums ont été votés par le Parlement Grec ?

I : Certainement pas !

Comment se passe concrètement le processus de décision ?

I : C’est une nouveauté, quelque chose d’étrange et étranger à la tradition parlementaire hellénique. Le projet du premier mémorandum a été soumis au Parlement en annexe d’une loi adoptée en mai 2010, le projet du 2ème mémorandum en annexe d’une loi de février 2012. La loi qui est votée en Novembre 2012 (L. 4093/12), dite 3ème MoU, est une loi d’application des mémorandums. Ainsi, les mémorandums ont été présentés en annexe et en projet et ils n’ont pas fait l’objet d’une décision parlementaire, c’est-à-dire ils ont été simplement annoncés au Parlement… D’autre part, le «3ème MoU», c’est- à-dire la loi de Novembre 2012 ne contient qu’un seul article long de plusieurs dizaines de pages, afin que les députés –même ceux de la majorité- ne puissent proposer aucune modification, c’était à prendre ou à laisser, à garder le gouvernement en place ou à le renverser. En plus, elle a été suivie par plusieurs décrets-lois, adoptés par le gouvernement. Donc, il est clair que les réglementations d’application des mémorandums ne sont pas d’origine parlementaire, puisque l’Assemblée a été mise dans l’incapacité de les discuter et d’influencer, ne fut-ce que marginalement, leur contenu. La procédure législative ressemble de plus en plus à une procédure administrative. Le Parlement n’a plus la faculté de déterminer l’intérêt général. L’intérêt général découle désormais des mémorandums et, par conséquent, le législateur grec est obligé de prendre des mesures conformes aux buts fixés par ceux-ci. L’exemple le plus caractéristique est celui de la loi susmentionnée : Son projet n’avait été établi que formellement par le gouvernement grec; en substance, il était dicté par la Troïka, qui représente les créanciers de la Grèce. Comme l’a déclaré le ministre de la Justice : « Je ne pouvais pas refuser de signer le projet de loi puisque cela aurait provoqué la chute du gouvernement et que la Troïka n’aurait accepté aucune modification. »

 A : La façon dont la troisième loi d’application a été soumise au Parlement, le 6 novembre 2012, est une violation très nette de la procédure. Il n’y a eu qu’une seule session parlementaire. La totalité des mesures a été adoptée aux alentours de minuit. Ce texte avait été présenté aux députés la veille, personne ne peut affirmer l’avoir lu ! Seul un cercle restreint autour du Premier ministre avait vu l’ensemble du document, pas même les ministres. Quand ils ont finalement présenté le texte au Parlement, les députés de la majorité ont fait comprendre qu’ils ne voteraient pas les articles abolissant les conventions collectives. Qu’ont fait le gouvernement et sa garde rapprochée ? Ils ont décidé d’en faire un seul article. C’est un article monstrueux, une monstruosité législative ! De tout ce qui s’est passé, c’est peut-être la chose la plus grave que j’aie vue…

 Si les mémorandums n’ont pas été votés, contrairement à ce qu’on peut lire partout dans la presse, quel mot peut-on employer ? Peut-on dire qu’ils ont été ratifiés ?

 I : La ratification est une procédure juridique, prévue par la constitution grecque et cette procédure a été expressément violée. Suivant la Constitution, la ratification d’un traité ou d’une convention présuppose que le texte soit soumis à l’Assemblée qui vote pour ou contre. La ratification supposerait que les députés grecs aient eu la possibilité d’accepter ou de refuser les mémorandums.

 Peut-on dire que la démocratie parlementaire a été suspendue et, si oui, à partir de quel moment ?

 A : C’est toujours une question de degré ; il est difficile de le dater exactement. Ce qui est sûr, c’est que le premier mémorandum, en mai 2010, marque une rupture. Après cette date, beaucoup de choses ont changé. Depuis octobre 2012, on peut dire que le Parlement ne fonctionne plus du tout. La plupart des lois ont le statut de décrets-lois, l’équivalent du 49-3 en France[1], une procédure spéciale censée être utilisée seulement en cas de situation exceptionnelle. Mais l’exception est devenue la norme. En 2012, il y a eu une quarantaine de décrets-lois, c’est-à-dire à peu près autant qu’au cours des trente-cinq dernières années !

 On a l’impression que le seul pouvoir des trois – exécutif, législatif, judiciaire – qui a encore des prérogatives, c’est le pouvoir judiciaire. Les mauvaises langues disent que la seule façon pour que le pouvoir judiciaire réagisse, c’est qu’on taille aussi les salaires des juges…

 I : En Grèce, les juges sont les garants de la constitution et des droits et des libertés qu’elle contient. Ils ont le pouvoir de contrôler toute règle inferieure à la loi fondamentale et, si ils constatent qu’elle est contraire à une prévision constitutionnelle, ils doivent l’écarter, ne pas l’appliquer au cas litigieux. Tant la théorie, que la jurisprudence acceptent unanimement que dans la pyramide des sources du droit, les traités se trouvent au dessous de la constitution, donc, leur inconstitutionnalité peut être contrôlée par les tribunaux. Pourtant, les juges seront à mon avis très réticents, même si «l’obstacle» de la nature juridique de MoU soit dépassé. Ils ne procéderont pas volontiers à l’examen de constitutionnalité des règles qui incorporent des accords internationaux et les conditions de financement de la dette souveraine, auxquels les gouvernements grecs se sont successivement soumis. Par ailleurs, il faut savoir que le contrôle juridictionnel de constitutionnalité connait des limites intrinseques. Le juge ne peut intervenir que ex post facto, quand un procès est ouvert devant le tribunal, quand le tribunal est appelé à statuer sur un différent civil ou à juger une affaire pénale. Personne ne peut pas se présenter devant le tribunal et demander qu’une loi soit reconnue comme contraire à la constitution. Il faut que l’on subisse un tort dans ses droits ou ses intérêts pour pouvoir poser la question de la constitutionnalité d’une norme devant les tribunaux. La protection n’est offerte qu’après préjudice. En plus, les réglementations qui découlent des mémorandums ont créé un grand nombre d’affaires judiciaires, c’est pourquoi une grande lenteur dans l’examen des recours relatifs est à prévoir, de cinq à sept ans pour avoir une décision finale. Pendant ce temps-là, la loi reste en vigueur, elle est appliquée, même si elle est manifestement contraire à la Constitution. Donc formellement, les prérogatives des pouvoirs constitués en Grèce ne sont pas touchées, la constitution est toujours le fondement de l’ordre juridique et des actes étatiques. Mais pratiquement parlant, ses prérogatives ont été anéanties, elles ont été vidées de leur contenu.

 Pour montrer à quel point l’Etat grec a perdu sa souveraineté depuis l’intervention de la Troïka, on cite souvent l’accord de prêt signé entre la Grèce et ses créanciers en mai 2010, qui accompagne le premier mémorandum[2]. Une des clauses de cet accord prévoit que si l’Etat grec ne rembourse pas ses dettes, il renonce à son immunité, et ses biens peuvent alors être saisis. Comment peut-on saisir les biens d’un Etat ?

I : Nous ne sommes pas d’accord entre nous sur l’interprétation de cette clause…

Il est frappant que personne ne soit d’accord sur le sens de cette clause, compte-tenu de l’enjeu…

A : C’est vrai ! Politiquement, c’est décisif. Les opposants au mémorandum mettent souvent cette clause en avant. On la trouve dans les trois accords de prêt signés par la Grèce. Et contrairement au mémorandum, il s’agit de textes juridiques. L’accord de prêt précise les conditions auxquelles les créanciers prêtent à la Grèce, et on y trouve effectivement cette clause qui dit qu’en cas de non-remboursement, la Grèce ne peut pas invoquer l’immunité de l’Etat souverain. Un grand nombre de gens, dont Iphigenia fait partie, considèrent que ça veut dire que les créanciers peuvent saisir la propriété publique de l’Etat grec, le domaine public. Moi je pense que ça ne concerne que les richesses privées de l’Etat. Il y a deux sortes de biens nationaux : les biens nationaux publics et les biens nationaux privés, comme en France. Les biens nationaux publics sont le domaine public, qui est à usage public, comme une école, cette université, ou encore un commissariat. Les biens nationaux privés sont des propriétés d’Etat qui ne sont pas à usage public, comme des terrains, des richesses, les réserves d’or. Certains pensent que les créanciers peuvent saisir seulement les biens privés de l’Etat, d’autres que toutes les propriétés nationales pourraient être saisies, ce qui est beaucoup plus dangereux…

 Dans tous les cas ça veut donc dire que si la Grèce ne paie pas, ses créanciers peuvent saisir tous les biens de l’Etat qui ne sont pas affectés à un usage public ?

 A : Oui, ça c’est clair. Selon l’accord de prêt, l’Etat grec renonce à l’immunité de l’Etat souverain, ce qui signifie qu’il ne peut pas s’opposer à ce que les créanciers internationaux saisissent ses biens.

 I : En plus, même si la clause de l’article 5 est interprétée dans le sens que l’Etat grec a renoncé à l’immunité qui protège la propriété publique, il y a un «rempart» juridique, une exception fondamentale, c’est l’abus de droit de la part du créancier. Si les créanciers cherchent à saisir le domaine public de l’État grec, la République hellénique ne pourra plus fonctionner. L’exception de l’abus de droit, commune à tous les ordres juridiques européens, peut être opposée durant la procédure de saisie des biens publics de l’État grec. Il reste, donc, ce dernier moyen de protection.

 A votre avis, quel est le sens de cette clause dans l’esprit des rédacteurs de cet accord de prêt ?

 A : Les partisans de la Troïka, comme Manitakis – ministre de la Réforme de l’administration et de la Gouvernance électronique (ndlr) -, prétendent que c’est une clause standard que l’on trouve dans tous les accords de prêt du monde et que ça n’implique rien de spécial. Selon eux, chaque fois que le FMI a prêté de l’argent, l’immunité de l’Etat souverain a été levée, mais ça ne change rien à la structure juridique fondamentale du pays. Pourtant, ce qui est clairement indiqué dans cet accord de prêt, c’est le fait que les litiges ne seront pas réglés par les tribunaux grecs, mais en Angleterre et au Luxembourg. Les tribunaux grecs ont une doctrine établie sur ce qu’est l’intérêt public grec. Si je poursuis l’Etat parce qu’il ne m’a pas versé mon salaire, même si les juges reconnaissent le préjudice, ils me donneront une compensation mais ils n’iront pas jusqu’à spolier l’Etat. Dans ces tribunaux étrangers, au contraire, l’affaire sera traitée comme un litige normal entre entreprises, un litige commercial. Donc la notion d’intérêt public en est complètement exclue, il n’y a plus de notion de souveraineté.

 I : Cette clause, à mon avis, n’est pas si importante, car si on arrive à une situation où les créanciers sont sur le point de saisir les biens -publics ou privés- de l’État grec, le régime du pays sera totalement démoli. Au contraire, ce qui importe actuellement, c’est le fait que les mémorandums et les traités de prêt soumettent toute la vie politique et institutionnelle de la Grèce à des considérations extérieures. Ce sont les créanciers qui décident des buts à poursuivre, du contenu de la politique générale du pays et des mesures législatives à prendre.

L’intérêt public ne semble plus se décider en Grèce, mais plutôt du côté des créanciers…

I : Ce qui est crucial dans ces évolutions, c’est la privatisation des moyens d’agir de l’État avec la création d’agences comme le Fonds grec de stabilité financière (HFSF) ou la TAIPED, une société anonyme à laquelle a été transférée toute la fortune de l’État et qui doit vendre les biens publics dans les termes et les conditions prévues pour les transactions privées. Etant donné que c’est une société anonyme, bien que son PDG est nommé par le gouvernement, la légalité et le contrôle de ses dépendent des règles du droit privé. Il n’y a qu’un lien très éloigné entre cette agence et le Parlement, qui ne peut ni influencer ses décisions, ni demander de comptes. Ce sont des modèles de privatisation nouveaux, qui privent l’Assemblée Nationale de ses pouvoirs et le peuple grec de ses biens.

A : Le pouvoir est maintenant concentré dans des institutions qui n’ont plus aucun compte à rendre, qui n’ont aucune légitimité démocratique. Leur seule légitimité est l’expertise financière. Ainsi, du jour au lendemain, toutes les propriétés publiques et privées de l’Etat, toutes les entités publiques comme les universités par exemple, ont été transférées à une société anonyme, la TAIPED. La loi donne à cette société le droit de vendre les richesses sans aucune contrainte, sans directives, rien ; elle peut vendre ce qu’elle veut. Quand c’est l’Etat qui vend quelque chose, ce n’est pas du tout la même chose que si c’est une entreprise privée qui vend. L’Etat peut imposer à l’acheteur plusieurs servitudes, elle peut faire valoir des clauses de souveraineté. Or la TAIPED est une entreprise commerciale, elle s’occupe de transactions commerciales, elle fait du business. Ça s’est fait en catimini dans un silence général. Ok, Syriza s’est plaint. Mais comme ça fait trente ans que la gauche s’oppose aux privatisations, les gens se sont juste dit : « Encore une privatisation… ». Mais ce n’est pas la même chose. C’est une forme de privatisation particulièrement dangereuse. Maintenant, les biens de l’Etat sont vendus sur simple décision du dirigeant d’une entreprise commerciale…

Est-il possible de vendre les îles grecques, comme on l’entend parfois ?

I : On ne peut pas vendre les îles ! Juridiquement, la relation qui lie l’État grec aux îles n’est pas celle de propriété, par conséquent ni le gouvernement ni aucun organe étatique ne peut vendre des îles. Elles font partie du territoire grec: La République y exerce sa souveraineté. On ne peut pas assimiler l’État grec au propriétaire des îles, il est leur gouverneur.

A : Il existe déjà des îles privées, ce qui signifie néanmoins qu’on peut vendre des îles. Il y a je crois le projet de vendre quelques îles situées près d’Athènes pour des investissements touristiques. Mais cela nécessite une législation spéciale, ce ne peut être fait que dans des circonstances exceptionnelles. 

Mais comme l’exception semble être devenue la règle… Que pensez-vous des « zones économiques spéciales », les zones franches que l’on envisage de créer en Grèce ?

I : Il semble que tout le pays va devenir une zone économique spéciale étant donné que les contrats de travail ont été «libérés», que les conventions collectives ne trouvent plus de terrain où s’appliquer. Le contenu minimal du contrat p.ex. le salaire minimum sera fixés par décret. Les salaires ont déjà été abaissés considérablement. Cette discussion sur les zones économiques spéciales n’a pas vraiment de sens car le coût du travail va être réduit de telle sorte que tout le pays va devenir une zone franche.

Comment définiriez-vous la situation actuelle de la Grèce ?

A : Ce que nous vivons depuis 2010 est une expérimentation institutionnelle à grande échelle. Le trait dominant de cette expérimentation, c’est l’établissement d’un régime où les décisions qui sont prises concernant la société et ses habitants ne sont pas opposables. C’est-à-dire qu’il n’y a pas d’autorité qui puissent les remettre en cause, et ceux qui les prennent ne sont responsables devant personne. C’est la destruction de la responsabilité politique et la destruction de la démocratie. Jusqu’ici, après 1975 et la chute de la dictature, quand nous avons eu des gouvernements à peu près démocratiques, chaque fois qu’un emploi de fonctionnaire était supprimé, on transférait la personne dans un autre service. Pourquoi ? Pas uniquement parce que c’est ce que prévoit la constitution, mais aussi parce que le gouvernement se souciait d’être réélu. Aucun gouvernement ne voulait être celui qui avait licencié. A la limite, quand les gouvernements prenaient des mesures impopulaires, ils se justifiaient en disant « je n’y peux rien, c’est l’Union européenne qui m’y oblige, je ne suis pas responsable ». L’Europe incarnait encore une vague communauté de règlements et de lois ; il y avait des règles instituées. Maintenant, le gouvernement grec dit : « Ce n’est pas moi qui ai décidé, c’est la Troïka. » Mais qui est la Troïka ? Ce n’est pas une personne morale…

I : Fernand Braudel l’avait déjà explicité clairement, les États ne sont pas égaux : les États économiquement les plus faibles sont soumis aux États les plus puissants. Or, jusqu’ il y a quelques ans, cette soumission, étant indirecte, permettait aux États faibles de gérer leurs affaires suivant les règles démocratiques du jeu politique. Actuellement, on est dans une situation dans laquelle, le peuple grec, endetté lourdement, ne peut point gérer la vie sociale. Premièrement, les choix politiques semblent supprimés : dans les medias classiques, une seule politique parait légitime, celle conforme aux directives de la Troïka, aux prescriptions des créanciers. Le dogme salus fiscalis patriae suprema lex esto «expatrie» du débat publique toute approche qui s’éloigne du programme établi par les memoranda et les accords de prêt. Deuxièmement, le Parlement est devenu une chambre d’enregistrement de décisions prises ailleurs. Troisièmement, aucun organe étatique n’a plus la possibilité de fixer les objectifs de la politique générale du pays. La démocratie représentative est devenue une façade pour l’application d’une politique économique et sociale qui nuit gravement au pays, et cette façon de gérer la crise grecque est aussi nuisible pour l’UE. Elle mine, tout d’abord, le sentiment d’appartenir à une même communauté. Elle met le peuple Grec dans une situation de subordination difficile à accepter. Il ne se sent plus partenaire égal dans le processus d’unification politique, et ce sentiment ne peut pas s’oublier facilement. Elle abaisse aussi le faible niveau de démocratie qui existait au niveau européen. On constate aisément que ce n’est pas le Conseil qui prend les décisions, c’est Madame Merkel avec ses alliés au sein de l’Union. Un directoire s’est formé et la gouvernance, qui n’était déjà pas une méthode démocratique de diriger l’Union, garantit les privilèges des États membres les plus forts, qui déterminent le sort des autres pays. 

Il y a plusieurs sortes de régimes non-démocratiques et plusieurs noms pour les désigner. Lequel serait le plus proche ?

A : Il n’est pas facile d’utiliser des notions déjà connues pour qualifier cette situation. A mon avis, ça se joue autour de l’idée de technocratie. Toutes ces mesures sont justifiées par l’orthodoxie économique et financière. On ne conçoit aucune alternative, aucun autre choix possible. Ce sont des mesures unilatérales. Soit vous les adoptez, soit on vous détruit et vous êtes exclu de la famille européenne. Pour moi, ça signifie tout simplement la fin de la politique.

I : Les marchés ont un pouvoir d’influence important. Mais il faut prendre en considération aussi que ce sont nos partenaires qui ont permis aux marchés de rétrécir le champ politique, de gouverner des secteurs de la vie sociale qui ne leur appartenaient pas. Depuis toujours les marchés développent un  impact sur le processus politique, ce qui est caractéristique actuellement, c’est que les États ont décidé de permettre aux marchés de devenir le principal régulateur de vastes domaines de la vie sociale, de la vie publique. Il s’agit d’un choix délibéré. Parallèlement, face aux évolutions produites par la mondialisation, les Etats-membres qui dominent l’Union européenne cultivent la défiance de la démocratie. C est l’enjeu principal : d’une part, ceux qui pensent que pour faire face aux problèmes sociaux et économiques, il faut que les décisions soient prises par les technocrates, les savants, présument que les normes de la nature et de la science sont le seul moyen  pour gouverner les sociétés. D’autre part, ceux qui pensent que pour faire face à cette situation de crise, il faut un large débat public sur des politiques antagonistes entre elles, il faut que ces politiques antagonistes puissent articuler la vie publique aux niveaux national et européen. Par ailleurs, pour que cette discussion ait lieu, les institutions parlementaires et démocratiques doivent fonctionner au mieux, ce qui n’est pas le cas en Grèce. Les institutions parlementaires et démocratiques sont mises entre parenthèses, le peuple grec est banni de la scène politique, soumis à un «apprentissage» austère par ses créanciers. Dans ce cadre, le succès du programme, plutôt de l’expérimentation grecque, sera en même temps, une lourde défaite pour l’U.E., peut-être pour le Vieux Continent.

 

 


[1] Les décrets-lois n’existent plus en France depuis la Ve République, mais l’article 49.3 de l’actuelle constitution, dit d’« engagement de responsabilité », permet au gouvernement de faire passer le texte qu’il présente sans vote de l’assemblée nationale.

[2]Il s’agit de l’accord de prêt de 110 milliards d’euros signé le 8 mai 2010 dont les versements sont suspendus à la réalisation des objectifs du premier mémorandum. L’article 5 de cet accord stipule : « The Borrower hereby irrevocably and unconditionally waives all immunity to which it is or may become entitled, in respect of itself or its assets, from legal proceedings in relation to this Agreement, including, without limitation, immunity from suit, judgement or other order, from attachment, arrest or injunction prior to judgement, and from execution and enforcement against its assets to the extent not prohibited by mandatory law. »

 

Κατηγορίες: Επιφυλλίδες. Προσθήκη στους σελιδοδείκτες.

260 απαντήσεις στο Tout le pays va devenir une zone franche, συνέντευξη μαζί με τον Α. Καϊδατζή στο περιοδικό «Z» τεύχος 7, Μάιος 2013

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